Members and supporters have their say
There has been an uncritical and rather spineless tendency to accept the claims of the EU referendum of 2016 as a democratic process. In truth, there are many reasons to regard it as anti-democratic. It was, if anything, a test of national opinion, and two of the distinguishable nations in the UK voted to remain, by much bigger margins than England and Wales voted to leave. For the UK government to force the communities of Scotland and Northern Ireland to vacate their expressly chosen place in the world is an abuse of power, and an affront to democracy.
Even the simple majority claimed by the leave campaign in the UK overall is questionable as democratic practice. They were fond of pointing out that the 17 million polled for leave was higher than any vote for a single party in a British General Election, but they omitted to add that this was also true of the 16 million vote for remain. The invidious nature of the exercise was manifest in their preference for no deal, in denial of the true balance of opinion. The democratic system was being used as a cover for an unconstitutional coup. It is a contradiction of the real principles and purposes of democracy to deprive almost half the voting population of the UK of a prized citizenship.
To avoid such injustices it has been usual for constitutional change to require a 2/3 majority, which is the first point at which it becomes clear that the body of the community is in favour of the move. Far from meeting that standard, it may be doubted whether, in terms of the whole population, the leave campaign even achieved a simple majority. About 45 million people in the UK were entitled to vote. About 17 million voted to leave, and about 16 million voted to remain. But that was not all. The crude shotgun of the in-or-out question backfired, and gave the non-voter a voice. By this count there were another 12 million or more who did not vote to leave, which shows why the 2/3 rule is a vital safeguard.
The referendum was a mockery of democracy.
Gillam, London, 2021
Mae fy nheulu yn deulu Ewropeaidd. Roedd fy ngŵr yn dod o Bortiwgal felly mae fy mhlant o dras Portiwgeaidd a Chymreig. Rydw i bellach yn nain a chafodd fy ŵyr ei eni yn Nenmarc a’i dad yn Ddanaidd gan ddod â Chymru, Portiwgal a Denmarc ynghyd. Felly rydyn ni’n awyddus i gadw’r cysylltiadau y mae Brexit yn bygwth eu torri ac mae’r grŵp Prydeinwyr yn Ewrop/Britons in Europe yn ffordd i ni wneud hynny. Mae’n creu pont i ni.
Yr ydym yn adnabod llawer o bobl yng Nghymru sy’n teimlo’r un peth. Hefyd mae profiad diweddar wedi cynyddu’r teimlad y byddai Cymru'n gwneud yn well pe bai hi'n wlad annibynol.
Er nad oedd Plaid Cymru yn cefnogi Brexit ac mai eu polisi presennol yw ceisio gwneud y gorau ar gyfer Cymru o dan yr amgylchiadau, wrth edrych ymlaen at y dyfodol nid oes fawr o amheuaeth mai ail-ymuno â’r Undeb Ewropeaidd fyddai'r nod wedi annibyniaeth.
Britons in Europe
My family is a European family. My husband came from Portugal so my children are Welsh/Portuguese. I am now also a grandmother and my grandson who was born in Denmark and has a Danish father brings together Wales Portugal and Denmark. So we are anxious/keen to keep the connections which is threatening to break and Britons in Europe offers a way for us to do that. It creates a bridge for us.
We know many people in Wales who feel the same. Recent experience has increased the feeling that Wales would do better if independent.
Although Plaid Cymru did not support Brexit and its present policy is to do the best for Wales in the circumstances, looking ahead to the future there is little doubt that re-joining the EU would be the aim once independent.
Iola, Hengoed, 2021